By Christopher Kisekka
Uganda’s political space shows a sharp rise in women’s representation. Women now hold 189 of the 529 seats in Eleventh Parliament, about 34 percent. The figure stands far above 1962, when only two women served as MPs.
Yet the numbers mask a structural imbalance. Data from the Uganda Women Parliamentary Association (UWOPA) shows 146 of the 189 women sit on district seats reserved under affirmative action. Another 13 represent special interest groups. Fourteen serve as ex officio members. Only 16 women win seats through direct election in open constituencies.
This distribution has prompted a growing chorus of young female politicians to question whether the system, once a vital entry point, now acts as a barrier to broader participation.
Affirmative action for women and other special interest groups in Uganda took shape under the National Resistance Movement (NRM). After taking power in 1986, the NRM introduced reserved seats, one woman per district, to correct long-standing gender gaps and secure female presence across all levels of government.
These measures were enshrined in Article 32 of the 1995 Constitution to strengthen women’s participation in a society where patriarchal norms had long excluded them from public life.
The policy has undeniably boosted numbers: by the mid-1990s, women were visible in local councils and Parliament, challenging stereotypes and paving the way for legislative gains on issues like domestic violence and land rights.
However, critics argue that after nearly four decades, the system has created dependency, with many seasoned women Members of Parliament sticking to “safe” reserved seats rather than venturing into competitive open races.
Young leaders such as Evelyn Kigongo, aspiring Bukesa Parish female representative, view affirmative action as a double-edged sword. She recognizes that reserved seats initially broke barriers for women in a male-dominated political arena.
But over time, they’ve morphed into a ceiling. “Many experienced women MPs remain locked into affirmative action races instead of contesting open constituencies,” Kigongo argues.
She advocates for term limits, perhaps two terms, to inject fresh talent and prevent stagnation. She believes this would encourage veteran female politicians to transition to direct elections, fostering a more dynamic representation.
Echoing this sentiment is Aidah Nakuya, a Democratic Front (DF) candidate contesting for the Kampala Central Member of Parliament slot in the upcoming 2026 elections. Drawing from her own journey, Nakuya frames term limits as a “transition tool” to elevate senior women into broader contests while creating opportunities for newcomers.
Reflecting on her tenure as a Female Youth Councillor from 2011 to 2016, she recalls feeling empowered, financially stable and socially connected, which inspired her to step aside in 2021.
“In 2021, I was still 24 years and qualified to run for the same position, and I could win given the network I had built. But I knew other youth needed that empowerment,” she says.
In 2021, she set up the ladder and contested for the Women’s MP seat in Kampala, also she didn’t win.
Nakuya now pushes for limits of around ten years on reserved seats, pointing out that some women have held onto them for 15, 20, or even 30 years despite having the capacity to win direct slots.
“Unfortunately, these seats weren’t limited,” she adds, emphasizing that the goal is empowerment, not indefinite incumbency.
Twenty-year-old Jorine Najjemba, a Senior Six vacist, former presidential aspirant, and FDC candidate for the Wakiso Woman MP seat, shares a similar view. She argues women’s seats in Parliament should serve as a launch pad to widen women’s entry into politics and raise female representation across elective offices.
She warns that long stays in office carry a cost. “When women leaders overstay in political positions, they create distance between women and politics. Such dominance discourages would be capable women from contesting, since many feel participation ends in futility,” she said.
The question was posed to several women outside politics, who expressed similar views on term limits. Five of them supported the idea. Alex Mutesi, a resident of Nabweru in Nansana Municipality, said affirmative action should send a clear signal.
“Why would someone remain on affirmative action for 20 years? A few terms would allow her to establish herself and give others a chance to climb the same ladder,” she said.
She praised women like Amelia Kyambadde and Betty Nambooze for challenging male counterparts and advised other seasoned female politicians to follow their example.
Kyambadde is contesting for the Mawokota North parliamentary seat in Mpigi District. She is making a return to active politics and aims to unseat the incumbent, while Nambooze is seeking reelection as Mukono Municipality MP in the 2026 general elections.
These perspectives highlight a generational divide. Data from recent analyses show that while affirmative action has increased overall female representation, the number of women in direct seats remains low, never exceeding 30 since the policy’s inception. In the 11th parliament, there are only 16 such women.
Proponents of change argue this perpetuates a cycle where reserved seats become comfort zones, limiting women’s influence in mainstream politics and reinforcing perceptions that they need “special” protections.
On the other side stands Dr. Miria Matembe, a trailblazer who served as the first Mbarara District Woman Representative and a former minister. Earlier in 2023, Matembe, disagreed with calls for term limits for women slots. She seemingly regreted her own decision to step down to make way for others, arguing that strong women leaders should remain in reserved seats to exemplify effective governance.
According to her, good, strong women leaders should continue occupying the affirmative action seat and lead by example showing other women and the electorate how women are good leaders.
From that perspective, the essence of Uganda’s affirmative action isn’t about rotation for its own sake but about building a lasting culture of female leadership. Matembe warned that forcing women out prematurely could undermine gains, especially in a context where discriminatory attitudes persist against female candidates in open races.
This debate underscores a broader tension in Uganda’s gender politics: balancing equity with evolution. As the country approaches the 2026 elections, with women comprising 45% of cabinet ministers and 48% of state ministers, the push for reform could reshape how affirmative action serves future generations. Ultimately, the goal remains clear; more women in Parliament overall, not just competing for the same reserved seats, but the path forward is anything but settled.
